9th Central Committee Session of PASOK

Dear comrades, I also believe that the proposal for the political positions we received is a complete text. Personally, I consider it one of the best PASOK texts I have read. I think that on the way to the Congress, this text, enriched with our own interventions, can become an easily readable document accessible to every citizen, a program of our Party, as is the case with all contemporary Socialist and Social Democratic European Parties.

With this logic and adding to what has already been recorded and said, I would like to make the following specific proposals:

There should be a chapter that reaffirms and emphasizes our commitment to the principles and values of democratic socialism. This means freedom, equality, justice, solidarity, and also highlighting our faith in respecting human rights, without any discrimination based on gender, race, national origin or social background, color, religion or beliefs, age, or sexual orientation, just as stated in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU, which was adopted in Nice with our vote.

Because I believe that ultimately democratic and progressive governance means an active policy that prioritizes the cohesion and well-being of society as a whole, without discrimination. A German intellectual recently stated that the struggle for the well-being of society and human rights will, in the 21st century, be the equivalent of the class struggle of past centuries.

We need to take a clear stance against xenophobia, racism, nationalism, and fundamentalism that threaten the peaceful and democratic coexistence of people. I believe that in this direction, the passing of the immigration law was a very positive contribution. The recent incidents of racist violence in our country, such as those that occurred in the Baths of Mytilene, in Chania, and elsewhere, but especially the revival of religious intolerance and medieval mindsets, necessitate special attention from our Movement. Unfortunately for the Church, democracy and human rights are still considered “monstrous unknowns.”

The worst of all, however, is that these issues concerning the relationship between the State and the Church are still largely considered taboo topics that do not enter democratic dialogue, which I find to be even worse.

I agree, of course, and share the view that the tone should be lowered after the victory on the issue of identity cards, but shouldn’t the dialogue continue on other pending issues as well? After all, it has been proven that PASOK gains and the modernization of the country progresses through breaks, not through timidity, as our comrade Drys said yesterday.

Unfortunately, on the issue of the complete separation of Church and State, as is the case with all modern democracies, we were not bold enough during the recent Constitutional Revision. Furthermore, we still maintain the Metaxas-era laws on proselytism, which provide the legal basis for the criminal suppression of the free expression of religious beliefs and ensure the monopoly and privileges of the state-funded Greek Orthodox clergy.

Do the condemnations of our country by the European Court of Human Rights not undermine the international standing of our country that we are fighting so hard for? I believe that we should not leave the dialogue about the relationship between Church and State to other democratic forces.

We should also be concerned with issues related to the political oath, the cremation of the dead, secular funerals, the abolition of mandatory catechism, the issue of church property, and other matters concerning the relationship between Church and State.

The second chapter that I consider very important is, on the occasion of the 27th anniversary of the founding of PASOK and the 20th anniversary of the great victory of October 1981, to systematically discuss the major changes that PASOK has brought about in Greek society over all these years. This includes not only economic and social metrics and the spectacular rise in living standards but also the influence PASOK has had on culture, ways of thinking, lifestyle, the extension of life expectancy, and the quality of democracy. I believe that a thorough analysis of the qualitative changes that PASOK has caused in Greek society, along with an awareness of our achievements, will enhance collective self-confidence, bolster citizens’ confidence, and bring them closer to politics and our Movement.

I also believe that our political positions should be supplemented with positions on gender equality and the reconciliation of professional and family life for both women and men. The President mentioned this in his speech yesterday, but there is no related chapter in the proposal, which is a unique oversight in a European context.

In the same chapter, there should be a stance against the increasing violence against women and human trafficking. Our country is considered a hub and transit center for the sexual exploitation of women, and we are internationally criticized for insufficient measures to address this phenomenon, which has intensified since the end of the Cold War.

The chapter on demographic policy is inadequate. We need to discuss in this chapter the changes that have occurred in the structure of the family, as well as to take a positive stance towards new forms of cohabitation, and especially towards the equality of rights and obligations between the two genders if we wish to encourage fertility.

I would like to point out that in Europe, the highest fertility rates are in Scandinavian countries. Do you know why? Not so much because they have sufficient social infrastructure and childcare facilities, but because they have a modern understanding of gender relations, and equality between the genders has become a reality. The demographic problem is a complex issue that is more connected to mindsets and less to economic resources. Let us reflect on how we view children born out of wedlock. In Greece, even today, there are women who do not dare to have children outside of marriage because they fear social condemnation.

So when we talk about demographics, we need to examine all aspects of the problem, especially what the social climate is like. We should consider whether births are encouraged in Greece or not. It’s not just a matter of having childcare facilities.

Furthermore, the political positions should include a separate chapter on children’s rights. Children are citizens with rights and deserve special protection and attention. Beyond being the future and continuation of the Greek nation, I believe it is better to refer to it as the “Greek nation” rather than “Hellenism,” which can evoke associations with Zionism, etc.

The same applies to youth. Young people, both men and women, should have equal opportunities for development and advancement. In my proposals for constitutional changes, which I hope will be discussed in 2002, I have suggested setting the minimum age for joining the Party at 15. This is because I believe that early experiences and participation in democratic processes play a crucial role in shaping the personalities of young people. I think we should create a conducive political environment for the participation of youth in democratic institutions and decision-making processes.

We should also address the respect for the dignity of soldiers and the individual rights that must be protected, including those of conscientious objectors.

Regarding the country’s defense, as mentioned in the positions and armaments, I would like to express the view that security today is not just a matter of military strength. There are significant non-military threats, such as economic and ecological crises.

Democracy and cooperation among countries can provide much greater security than weapons. Likewise, our peaceful foreign policy is essential.

I believe we should also discuss the implications of being the country with the highest military expenditure. No country in the world allocates 5.5% of its GDP for armaments. I was speaking earlier with comrade Apostolakis, and he mentioned that the London Institute of Strategic Studies states that no country can have a social policy if its military spending exceeds 3% of GDP. And Dryas knows—ask Dryas—what resources could be freed if the 5.5% were reduced to 3%.

Therefore, those who advocate for these mythical amounts to be spent on armaments do not have the right to speak about social policy. Personally, I believe that what has been achieved in recent years equates to a miracle in the field of social policy, despite all the expenditures we have for armaments.

Finally, regarding the building of a new progressive majority, I would like to warmly support any initiatives aimed at converging with all political and social forces operating within the Center-Left. For this reason, I find the proposal we received from the Renewing Modernizing Movement of the Left very positive— I hope you all received it— for the creation of a contact group, as mentioned earlier by comrade Paschalidis, which will facilitate communication with the interested parties.

I believe that the events in Genoa provide an additional reason for us to become active in this direction—namely, the rallying of all Center-Left forces. Thank you.