Equal Representation of Men and Women in Decision-Making Bodies

EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT

1999

2004

Summit document.

FINAL

Α5-0373/2000

4 December 2000

REPORT

on the report of the Committee regarding the implementation of Council Recommendation 96/694 of December ² 1996 ,on balanced participation of women and men in the decision-making process.

(COM(2000) 120 – C5‑0210/2000 – 2000/2117(COS))

Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality

Presenter: Anna Karamanou

CONTENTS.

Page

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE PROCEDURE………………………………………………………………………………….. 4

PROPOSAL FOR A RESOLUTION………………………………………………………………………………………… 5

EXPLANATORY REPORT…………………………………………………………………………………………. 10

HISTORY OF THE PROCEDURE

By its letter dated March ⁷ 2000 the Commission transmitted to Parliament its report on the implementation of Council Recommendation 96/694 of December ² 1996, on balanced participation of women and men in the decision-making process (COM(2000) 120 – 2000/2117(COS)).

During the meeting on May ³ 2000, the President of Parliament announced that the report had been referred for substantive examination to the Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality (C5‑0210/2000).

During its meeting on January 26, 2000, the Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality appointed Ms. Anna Karamanou as the rapporteur.

During its meetings on October 9, 2000, and November 22, 2000, the committee examined the draft report.

At the aforementioned last meeting, the committee approved the proposal for a resolution with 16 votes in favor and 4 votes against.

Present during the vote were the following Members: Maj Britt Theorin, Chair; Jillian Evans, Vice-Chair; Anna Karamanou, Rapporteur; María Antonia Avilés Perea, Lone Dybkjær, Geneviève Fraisse, Lissy Gröner, Hedwig Keppelhoff-Wiechert (substituting Marielle de Sarnez in accordance with Article 153, paragraph 2, of the Rules), Christa Klaß, Rodi Kratsa-Tsagaropoulou, Astrid Lulling, Thomas Mann, Emilia Franziska Müller, Christa Prets, Amalia Sartori, Karin Scheele (substituting Eryl Margaret McNally), Patsy Sörensen, Catherine Stihler (substituting Fiorella Ghilardotti in accordance with Article 153, paragraph 2, of the Rules), Joke Swiebel, and Helena Torres Marques.

The report was submitted on December 4, 2000.

The deadline for submitting amendments will be mentioned in the draft agenda for the session period during which the report will be examined.

PROPOSAL FOR A RESOLUTION

Resolution of the European Parliament on the report of the Committee regarding the implementation of Council Recommendation 96/694 of December ² 1996, on balanced participation of women and men in the decision-making process (COM(2000) 120 – C5‑0210/2000 – 2000/2117(COS)).

The European Parliament,

– having regard to the report of the Committee (COM(2000) 120 – C5‑0210/2000)^[1],

– having regard to Council Recommendation No. 96/694/EC,

– having regard to Articles 2, 3(2), 13, 137(1), and 141(4) of the EC Treaty,

– having regard to its resolutions based on reports from the Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality since 1984 and, in particular, to its resolution of March ² 2000² on women in decision-making processes,,

– having regard to the final declaration of the UN Conference in Mexico in 1975,

– having regard to the Vienna Conference on Human Rights and the Platform for Action following the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing on September 15, 1995,

– having regard to the Council resolution of March²⁷ 1995³ ,on balanced participation of women and men in the decision-making process,

– having regard to the ministerial declaration of April ¹⁷ in Paris on “Women and Men in Power,”

– having regard to its two previous resolutions of February 11, 1994,⁴ and May 24, 1996,⁵ on the representation of women in decision-making processes, based on reports prepared by the Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality,

– having regard to the work carried out by the European Network “Women in Decision-Making” during the period 1992-1996,

– having regard to the Third and Fourth European Action Programmes (1991-2000) for equality of opportunity between women and men,

– having regard to the final document of the UN Conference “Beijing + 5,” which convened in New York in June 2000,

– having regard to Article 47(1) of its Rules of Procedure,

– having regard to the report of the Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality (A5‑0373/2000),

A. whereas the rights of women are an integral part of human rights,

B. whereas, although women make up at least half of the electorate in almost all countries and have gained the right to vote and to stand for election in nearly all UN member states, they continue to be underrepresented as candidates for public office and in decision-making bodies,

C. whereas the importance lies not only in increasing women’s participation in decision-making processes but also in taking on higher responsibilities within society,

D. whereas women face a double disadvantage: on the one hand, discrimination in their professional careers and the assumption of family duties and responsibilities, and on the other hand, they are compelled to combine family obligations with their professional careers,

E. whereas the inequality between men and women, as well as the prevailing distribution of gender roles, has its roots in outdated structures and traditional beliefs,

F. whereas the underrepresentation of women in decision-making processes is widely recognized as a significant barrier to democratic development, cohesion, and overall competitiveness of the European Union,

G. whereas the percentage of women in decision-making positions in the economic life of Europe and in trade unions is alarmingly low, which certainly negatively affects gender equality in the labor market,

H. whereas, at both national and European levels, it has been fully recognized that women’s participation in decision-making is a necessary prerequisite for democracy,

Ι. expressing its deep regret over the inequality and discrimination that continue to be observed both in politics and within public and private organizations, despite the numerous political statements, declarations, and commitments made at national, European, and international levels,

J. highlighting that the Amsterdam Treaty provided the legal basis and allows for positive actions and horizontal measures to promote equal treatment of men and women, in order to continue the fight against inequalities in all areas of policy,

K. whereas women’s economic earnings continue to fall short of those of men for work of equal value,

L. whereas the representation of women in elected political bodies has been shown to be positively influenced by proportional representation electoral systems, compared to majoritarian systems,

M. whereas at the European level, balanced participation of women and men in positions of power and decision-making is presented as a matter of democratic principle and is included in the Charter of Fundamental Rights,

N. whereas, although women’s representation in politics has somewhat improved following the European elections of 1999, women still remain underrepresented in EU institutions, both in the administrative sector and in decision-making bodies,

O. welcoming the example set by the European Parliament, where the representation of women among its members is continually increasing and has reached 30% after the latest elections,

P. whereas the completion of democracy requires the cooperation and joint decision-making of both genders in all areas, in an equal and mutually supportive manner,

Q. whereas equal participation of women in decision-making processes is not only an imperative for reasons of justice or democracy but also a necessary condition for ensuring that women’s interests are taken into account, addressing gender-specific issues and experiences,

R. whereas a fairer distribution of work and parental responsibilities between women and men promotes increased participation of women in public life,

S. whereas, when the specific gender principles, ideas, values, and experiences of women are taken into account, they can contribute to redefining political priorities, bringing new issues to the political agenda, and creating new perspectives on crucial political matters,

1. reiterates the importance of the Council Recommendation of 2 December 1996 regarding the need for comprehensive action to combat the unequal representation of both genders in EU institutions and all decision-making bodies, and once again calls for the adoption of a holistic and targeted strategy and a common approach to achieve this goal;

2. reiterates its previously mentioned resolutions; on February ¹¹ 1994, May ²⁴ 1996 and March ² 2000·

3. reaffirms the need to develop a comprehensive and integrated strategy and to take positive measures to promote balanced representation of both genders in democratic institutions and all decision-making bodies;

4. emphasizes the need to mobilize all stakeholders in economic and social life to achieve equality of responsibilities between men and women in the public and private spheres, including economic, political, and family life;

5. reiterates the importance of achieving the goal of equal participation of men and women in decision-making processes in order to strengthen democracy, taking into account the interests of all citizens, and to promote its smooth functioning;

6. calls for the systematic collection and publication of comparable statistics at both national and European levels, as well as the harmonization of research methods among member states, in order to provide a clearer picture of the representation of men and women in decision-making, since the dissemination of these statistics enhances awareness of gender issues and contributes to progress;

7. calls for the promotion of balanced participation of both genders in all areas of policy and in all committees, at both EU and national and international levels, with the representation of each gender not falling below 40%.

8. emphasizes the importance of addressing gender stereotypes from a very young age and providing opportunities for both girls and boys through education to discuss gender roles; reiterates the significance of training women in leadership roles and decision-making, in public speaking, and in advocating for their rights; also highlights the need for awareness-raising campaigns and encouragement of women’s participation in the political arena.

9. Considers it important to have greater participation of men in the promotion of equality, as equality in decision-making can only be achieved through the collaboration of both genders.

10. Emphasizes the necessity of establishing common structures and strategies for promoting equal opportunities (e.g., Ministry for Equal Opportunities).

11. Stresses the importance of more women taking key positions in businesses and trade unions; encourages, in this context, the economic and trade union circles of Europe to actively participate in promoting women who wish to advance their careers and to combat stereotypical roles in the professional sphere.

12. Calls for the establishment of a European Network to promote women in decision-making and a network of national committees for equality of opportunities.

13. Calls on governments, particularly those of member countries where women’s participation in decision-making bodies does not exceed 30%, to examine the impact of electoral systems on the political representation of both genders in elected bodies and to consider the adaptation or reform of these systems. If deemed appropriate, they should take legislative measures or encourage political parties to establish quota systems, such as the “zipper” system, and/or to adopt other measures to promote balanced gender participation.

14. Believes it is essential to review the structures and processes of political parties in order to remove all barriers that, directly or indirectly, negatively affect women’s participation.

15. Acknowledges that countries with transitional economies and early democratic cultures, such as many of the candidate countries for accession, require special attention and support due to the disproportionately negative impacts of the transition process on women’s lives.

16. Calls on governments and EU institutions to duly consider gender balance when appointing representatives and forming international organizations or mediation and negotiation committees, particularly in peacekeeping or conflict resolution processes.

17. Believes it is essential to take appropriate measures to reconcile the family and professional lives of men and women, through flexible management of working hours and improved care for children and other dependents.

18. Calls on social partners to promote the participation of women in their mechanisms and in positions of high responsibility.

19. Calls on the EU Member States to include in the next Intergovernmental Conference amendments to the Treaty in order to promote the balanced participation of both genders in the EU institutions and in all decision-making centers.

20. Assigns its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the other EU institutions, as well as to the governments and parliaments of the Member States.

EXPLANATORY REPORT.

Introduction

Background: The Evolution of Women’s Participation in Decision-Making Processes

Women’s human rights are a very recent issue. Women in Europe began to emerge from the darkness and enter the forefront of public life only in the early 19th century. Interestingly, the transition to democracy, which coincided with the Industrial Revolution and the Enlightenment in Europe, did not actually lead to the recognition of women as equal human beings to men. During the French Revolution, Olympe de Gouges was beheaded for daring to claim equal rights for women. Only after long struggles did women, having surpassed their traditional role, finally achieve, at least from a legal perspective, full recognition as political beings equal to men. The recognition of women’s human and political rights, their massive participation in educational and economic activities, as well as changes in both the social roles of the two genders and the structure of the family, constitute developments that represent the greatest peaceful revolution in the history of humanity. The 20th century began with women’s demands for equal access to education, paid employment, and political life, and ended with the call for equal and balanced participation of both genders in democratic institutions and political decision-making processes.

It is well known that Aristotle’s theory of distinguishing life into two spheres, namely the private and the public, has profoundly influenced philosophical discourse, social structures, political thought, and analyses of traditional themes and values such as freedom, equality, and justice throughout the ages. Women are absent from the classical texts of political thought, and political analysts have only recently begun to address the inequalities between men and women in their analyses. Even today, some still choose to ignore these issues, perhaps due to their complete inability to satisfactorily explain the historical degradation, marginalization, deprivation of women from their basic human rights, and their confinement to the sphere of private life.

Feminism, as a social theory of equality between men and women and as a movement advocating for women’s participation in economic, social, and political life, emerged in Europe in the 19^th century. At the same time, socialist and trade union movements played a leading role in promoting demands for social emancipation in Europe. However, society was primarily viewed from an economic perspective, and all other issues were considered secondary. As a result, any discussion of women’s rights was seen as a threat to the unity of the movement and as a diversion from the main enemy, capitalism. Gender oppression was essentially absent from the social and political agenda of collective movements, which, at least in the early years, failed to recognize the importance of gender equality and to acknowledge women’s rights as human rights.

However, in the last 40 years, dramatic changes have occurred in behaviors, mindsets, and structures: women have managed to emerge from the domestic sphere and enter the workforce, gaining increasing responsibilities in their professional lives, education, social activities, etc. Of course, inequalities against women still exist, but there has also been tangible progress. The area of political life remains a domain to be conquered.

Unfortunately, the dramatic increase in women’s participation in education and economic life has not been accompanied by a redistribution of family responsibilities or by the representation of women in democratic institutions and political decision-making. The current political reality is characterized by a serious democratic deficit, given that the majority of the electorate, whether as a minority or completely absent, is excluded from decision-making centers. It is evident that what the Greek historian Thucydides wrote 2,500 years ago, namely “for men are the city,” still holds true today and constitutes the fundamental principle governing the structure and functioning of our political system. At the same time, ongoing direct and indirect discrimination and inequalities against women in the labor market, high unemployment rates, inadequate social infrastructures, the unequal distribution of time and responsibilities between men and women, violence and sexual harassment, the portrayal of distorted norms by the media, and the double standards regarding sexual ethics that still exist in many European regions, are issues that are dialectically linked to the low participation or exclusion of women from the structures of economic and political power.

The current limited female participation in spaces where political decisions are made has been achieved exclusively thanks to the women’s movement and initiatives such as the implementation of equal opportunity policies, affirmative action measures, the principle of preferential treatment, and the establishment of quotas. A brief overview of women’s achievements in the workforce makes clear the differences that exist regarding these gains, depending on the sector or country in question.

Among the most significant milestones of the twentieth century, we should mention the international conventions of 1949—which allowed for the beginning of a path toward a legal system that protects gender equality in various areas such as education, employment, and political rights—and the United Nations conferences for women held in Mexico City in 1975, Nairobi, Kenya in 1985, Beijing, China in 1995, and New York City, USA, in June 2000, during which the principle of equal opportunities was established and it was declared that women’s rights are human rights.

However, 25 years after the first UN conference, the statistical picture of women’s participation at the highest levels of decision-making remains bleak. Since the end of World War II, 28 women have been elected as heads of government or have served as heads of state. Interestingly, the highest proportion of women in decision-making roles at the highest possible level is observed in Asia (Bangladesh, India, Indonesia, and Pakistan). In Europe, only the Scandinavian countries have achieved gender equality at the governmental level.

The global record for the average female participation in parliaments was achieved in 1988, with a participation rate of 14.8%, which has now decreased to 13.4%, thus categorizing women as a special ad hoc group rather than as half of humanity.

Part Ι

The situation in Europe today – European politics

The examination of European policy in the area of equal opportunities deserves special attention, given that the European Union serves as an institutional framework within which member states can encourage action and take initiatives. The contribution of the European Union to the promotion of equal opportunities has been significant over the last 40 years. The European Community, from its inception, recognized the principle of equal pay (Treaty of Rome, 1957) and, on this basis, developed a coherent set of legislation aimed at ensuring equal rights for men and women in all areas of life.

With the Amsterdam Treaty, which came into effect on May 1^st 1999, the legal framework in which equality is integrated was strengthened, and for the first time, gender equality was declared a fundamental priority of the European Union and its member states. The Council’s recommendation (12/02/1996) recognizes that the balanced participation of men and women in decision-making processes is a prerequisite for democracy to function properly and outlines how gender equality will be promoted, while urging member states to adopt strategies that will foster equal opportunities in political decision-making.

However, significant disparities still exist among member states. The average female participation is 24.5% for governments and 22.5% for national parliaments, with particularly large variations between member states; for instance, the participation rate recorded in Greece is 10.3% based on the latest elections, compared to the 43.6% participation recorded in Sweden. The best results are achieved in countries with a long-standing tradition of equal opportunity policies, such as Sweden and Finland, where the percentages of female representation in government are 52.6% and 44.4%, respectively.

A good example is the United Kingdom, which has strong legislation for equality that has helped women make progress at various levels, resulting in it achieving the fourth highest female participation in the workforce in the European Union (53% of the labor market is made up of women). However, there is still significant underrepresentation of women in leadership positions and decision-making roles.

Efforts and Results in the European Union

It is worth mentioning the efforts and significant progress made in the European Union during the 1990s. From 1991 to 1999, the number of women in the European Parliament increased from 19% to 30%, in the European Commission from 10% to 25%, and in the governments of member states from 11% to 23%. Today, the European Commission has five female Commissioners, and the percentage of women in parliamentary positions in the European Parliament stands at 30%.

The Union’s efforts can be distinguished into two phases:

1. The first phase, covering the period from 1991 to 1995, pertains to the approval of the third action program for equal opportunities (1991-1995), which led to the establishment of the network of experts “Women in Decision-Making Centers,” the Athens Declaration of 1992, the Beijing Platform for Action of 1995, and the Rome Charter of 1996.

2. The second phase, covering the years 1996-2000, concerns the adoption of Council Recommendation 84/6635/EEC of 1996 for promoting positive action aimed at achieving gender balance in decision-making processes, and the Fourth Framework Program for Equal Opportunities (1996-2000).

Thanks to the hard work of the European network “Women in Decision-Making Positions,” the first phase (1992-1996) resulted in the creation of a favorable environment to raise awareness about the need to address the issue of balanced gender participation in decision-making processes. The second phase, as a continuation of the positive results achieved, led to the explicit designation of the political decision-making process as a major priority.

The conference held in Paris in 1999 titled “Women and Men in Power: A Welfare Society, Dynamic Economy, Vision for Europe” was a continuation of the European Conferences in Athens and Rome. It primarily focused on all issues, problems, and solutions related to achieving gender balance in decision-making and recognized the need to accelerate efforts.

Three years after the adoption of the Council’s Recommendation, in October 1999, the Council established nine indicators to measure progress on women’s participation in power structures. The indicators revealed that participation was far from adequate, both at the national level and at the European Union level. The recommendation was not fully implemented. Additionally, it was decided that the goal of having at least one-third women at all levels of power and decision-making would serve as a good starting point.

Efforts and Results in Member States

Regarding the progress in the member states, the Commission’s report compiles the information provided by the member states about the situation concerning the four priorities outlined in the Recommendation, which are, briefly:

adoption of a comprehensive strategy to promote balanced participation of both genders in decision-making,

ã mobilization of all actors in economic and social life with the aim of achieving equal opportunities,

ã collection and publication of statistics on gender representation in decision-making centers,

ã promotion of balanced representation of both genders at all levels.

Unfortunately, the picture provided by the Commission’s report can only be considered a starting point. Indeed, not all member states demonstrated a willingness to provide information regarding the various priorities, and the information, in turn, is not sufficiently accurate for certain member states to propose a common set of measures. The rapporteur believes that the report is inadequate for determining the progress achieved. Should the lack of responses from certain member states be interpreted as non-implementation of the Council’s recommendation? This interpretation is even less satisfactory than the first, and the rapporteur suggests that the four priorities be clarified and made mandatory with specific deadlines. Only with the help of specific deadlines, indicators, and comparative performance will it be possible to identify member states that do not fulfill their obligations, to record overall progress, and to achieve advancement in the balanced participation of both genders.

The announcement highlights as the first problem the lack of a definition for “balanced participation.” Indeed, the Council’s Recommendation mentions the need to achieve this goal without, however, defining the term “balanced” numerically. Does this mean 50%, as proposed by some member states (the Scandinavian countries and the United Kingdom), or perhaps a critical mass of one-third or at least 40%, which is the interpretation favored by the other member states of the Union? It is clear that an ambitious definition should be adopted.

Regarding the first priority, the announcement notes that some member states have approved a series of measures, such as legislation for balanced participation of both genders, at both national and regional levels, training, awareness campaigns, etc. However, despite these efforts, the results achieved fall short of initial expectations. It is estimated that a specific strategy that would establish a common European approach would be a first step in the right direction. As for implementation mechanisms, all member states have established some form of them. Some countries have a committee or secretariat responsible for gender equality (Austria, Greece, Ireland, the United Kingdom, and Luxembourg), while others have assigned this responsibility to a specific ministry (Italy, France, Belgium, and Germany).

Regarding the second priority, progress has been made through the awareness-raising of the educational sector (schools, universities, media), as well as through a specially designed campaign aimed at the private sector that highlights the benefits of adopting an equal opportunities policy.

For the third priority, improvement is needed in the level of statistics. Member states have made efforts to harmonize research methods, primarily through cross-border cooperation, which has led to annual or biennial publication of reports (Denmark, Finland, Austria, Sweden), while updated statistics have been compiled (Ireland, Belgium, Greece, Germany, Luxembourg, the United Kingdom, and Spain).

Finally, regarding the last priority, the picture we have of the progress made is clear. The provided update confirms not only the significant inequalities but also the varying degrees of efforts. The only country with binding legislation that enforces balanced participation of both genders on candidate lists for political elections is Belgium, where women must comprise at least one third. Austria and Germany do not have relevant binding legislation, but their political parties have committed to increasing the number of women on their electoral lists, either through quotas or targets. Some countries have attempted to amend their constitutions or establish new legislation. Notably, France and Portugal have seen positive results, in contrast to the failure in Luxembourg. Relevant progress has also been made in Italy, thanks to the adoption of policies ensuring the presence of women in public life, in Greece through the establishment of quotas in certain parties and the campaign of the Women’s Political Association, and finally, in Ireland, through funding to promote women’s participation in political action.

Based on the available information, we conclude that the Council’s recommendation has been partially implemented by the member states; more efforts should be made towards a more inclusive and comprehensive strategy, which still does not exist.

Part ΙΙ

Solutions and proposals for greater participation of women.

Despite the large number of women working in public administration, which in some cases exceeds the number of men, most decision-making positions are held by men. However, the issue is not merely to increase the number of women, but to elevate their role in society and assess the quality of the work they provide. To increase the numerical representation of women in public life, a set of strategies aimed at broader participation of women can be summarized under the heading “positive measures.”

To achieve balanced participation of men and women in political life, it is necessary to overcome the traditional role of reproduction and household duties, which constitutes one of the most difficult obstacles. In this regard, work-time models and the structures of parties and government are issues that need to be addressed. Both men and women should take equal shares of responsibility in the private and public spheres, as well as in all areas of economic, political, and family life.

Furthermore, behaviors and practices that constitute discrimination in the political sector should be restricted: to achieve this, a change in mentality is needed, and candidate lists should be opened to women. The structures of parties and selection processes should be revised in order to eliminate the psychological and practical barriers that hinder women’s participation in politics.

To overcome the lack of self-confidence due to purely psychological reasons, the absence of appropriate training, and negative historical and cultural burdens, it would be best to cultivate women’s ability to participate in leadership positions through the development of professional training, including education in leadership roles and decision-making, public speaking, and self-advocacy, as well as promoting political campaigns and other related programs.

Furthermore, the impact of various electoral systems on the political representation of women in elected bodies and on the outcomes of electoral results should be addressed without delay. From the examination of statistical data at the European level, it becomes clear that member states with the highest rates of female representation (Sweden, Finland, Denmark, and the Netherlands) are those with proportional or mixed electoral systems with candidate lists. In contrast, member states with the lowest rates of female representation (Greece, France) have a majoritarian electoral system or a preference voting system. Measures should also be taken to encourage political parties to include women in electable positions in the same numerical proportion and at the same level as men.

Among the most common measures known to contribute to increasing female participation, we must mention quotas or targets, which are applied either voluntarily or by law to ensure women’s participation both in terms of numbers and positions, particularly regarding their placement on electoral lists. Parties with an internal quota system undoubtedly have a greater number of elected women. However, quotas should not be seen as a sufficient solution, as women are often placed in non-electable positions. Quotas should be accompanied by other measures, such as placing women in high positions or implementing a “zipper” system that alternates men and women on lists.

Another interesting action is the establishment of a regulation in the legislation on public funding of parties that would provide an increased share of funding for each female candidate on party lists. In other words, this means that a financial reward would be given to parties that have good female representation on their lists, or penalties would be imposed on those parties with a low number of women (recently adopted in the French system).

Measures to increase women’s participation in public life must necessarily be accompanied by updated statistics and a monitoring system to regularly track women’s progress in political representation. The communication of quantitative and qualitative gender-disaggregated data at all levels of public and private life will contribute to the development of the necessary awareness, which in turn fosters progress. Similarly, electoral campaigns should be accompanied by public awareness campaigns that translate into support for female candidates and encouragement for other women to enter the political arena.

Part ΙΙΙ

Advantages of women’s participation in decision-making processes.

The participation of women in decision-making is imperative, not only in the European Union but worldwide. The European network “Women in Decision-Making Positions” (1992-1996) has articulated a series of arguments supporting the need for women’s participation in political life and leadership positions:

1. Strengthening democracy.

In every society, democracy relies on the participation of all citizens in decision-making processes. Women make up half of the population and are entitled to proportional political representation for democracy to function properly.

2. Implementation of the principle of gender equality as a fundamental human right.

Equality is a universal human right. Discrimination between male and female work and double standards should be eliminated; both men and women are entitled to participate on equal terms and to share all responsibilities fairly in order to overcome the historical exclusion of women from politics.

3. Utilization of valuable human resources.

Women make up half of the global workforce of talent and skills, and their underrepresentation deprives society of the effective utilization of valuable human resources.

4. Enrichment of political culture with diverse experiences, interests, and value systems.

The historical exclusion of women from political life and their confinement to the private sphere has created differences between the genders in values and interests. In every democratic society, political decisions should reflect the interests and values of all citizens. Women, as a group, show particular interest in justice, dialogue, peace, the ethical dimension of political life, and the formulation of priorities. They are sensitized to the value of consensus, have a greater ability to reach agreements due to a higher sense of social solidarity, and are more concerned about future generations.

5. Renewal of politics and decision-making processes.

The different system of principles, perceptions, and values that women bring better responds to the social needs and political climate of our time. Women’s participation in political life can contribute to redefining political priorities, raising new issues on the political agenda, and providing fresh perspectives on fundamental political topics. In other words, women represent a force for renewal and change in politics and society.

CONCLUSION

The general need to promote women in decision-making processes as a prerequisite for democracy and peace is fully recognized at both national and European levels. The overarching goal remains the achievement of balanced participation of both genders, ensuring that men and women are equally represented and participate on equal terms regarding access and advancement. The issue is not so much about low-level administration, but rather about high-ranking positions, where the real decision-making powers and authority reside.

Bold measures are required to address the problems and contradictions arising from an outdated “old-fashioned” contract between the two genders. This means that responsibilities both inside and outside the home must be balanced and shared equally on a daily basis and throughout life. It also necessitates a new institutional and social framework that reflects the changes that have occurred to date and supports equality of opportunities and choices for both men and women in all areas of private and public life.

Women, as a whole, have historically been associated with non-violence: their value system is intertwined with dialogue, compromise, reconciliation, and resolving differences through peaceful means. This value system could potentially offer an alternative to today’s culture of violence while contributing to the development of a new political culture—one of peace, cooperation, and respect for differences. It is believed that if political life embraced women’s values, there would be greater social solidarity among peoples and nations, a fairer distribution of the planet’s resources, and an end to wars and conflicts driven by religious fanaticism or extreme nationalism. Furthermore, there would be heightened awareness of social issues related to quality of life, such as environmental protection, social policy and welfare, healthcare, education, and combating drug abuse and human trafficking.

As Professor Francis Fukuyama noted in his article titled “If Women Ruled the World”: “It could certainly be anticipated that greater participation of women in political life would lead to a less violent world. Athena, the Greek goddess of wisdom and war, may have been the female archetype in ancient times, but in today’s world, female influence can play a crucial role against militarism and in favor of peace.”

^[1] It has not yet been published in the EU.

² Δεν έχει ακόμη δημοσιευθεί στην ΕΕ

³ ΕΕ C 168, of 4.7.1995, p. 3.

⁴ ΕΕ C 61, of 28.2.1994, p. 248.

⁵ ΕΕ C 166, of 10.6.1996, p. 269.