European Social Democracy
European Social Democracy
(from a speech at the PASOK Women’s Sector workshop on Social Democracy, 01.04.2015)
Vice President of PES Women
At the PES’s 8th Congress in Prague (December 2009), it opened the dialogue for a new direction for Europe and progressive societies (A New Direction, for Progressive Societies), defining 6 policy priorities: 1) Addressing the economic crisis 2) New Social Europe 3) Environment 4) Gender Equality 5) European Migration Policy 6) Strengthening Europe’s role for peace, security, and development.
The economic crisis that began in 2008 initially created the expectation that it would lead to a rise in the forces of the center-left, but this did not happen. Despite expectations, dissatisfaction with austerity policies strengthened the center-right parties and, in many cases, the far-right. That is, despite the criticism of greed and irresponsibility of neoliberalism and the attacks on uncontrolled markets, there is no increase in the influence of social democracy anywhere in Europe.
Certainly, the defeat of PASOK fits into and adds to this broader decline and contraction of European Social Democracy, without of course ignoring our own “particular” conditions. In 2010, the year that marked the greatest economic crisis in the post-war history of Greece, European social democratic parties recorded their largest drop in support since 1918. In Sweden, at the heart of social democracy, the center-left lost two consecutive elections for the first time in 100 years, somewhat regained its strength in the latest elections in September 2014 (32.1%) and formed a minority government with the Greens (5%). In Germany, the SPD’s support levels have been low over the last decade. In the recent local elections in France, we saw a reorganization of Sarkozy’s forces, which took 70 out of 101 departments, a significant drop for the socialists who lost half of the departments, and strengthening of Le Pen’s base.
The decline of social democracy is accompanied by the rise of Euroscepticism and the slowdown of political integration in the EU. This is because social democracy is primarily European and committed to the “European values” of democracy, individual rights, the rule of law, gender equality, solidarity, and tolerance of diversity, as well as the goal of European political integration. In the late 1990s, social democracy was at its best: 13 of the 15 EU member countries had social democratic governments. At that time, our ideas shaped public discourse and the political agenda. At that time, European economies, including Greece, experienced periods of steady growth and rising living standards. Now the crisis has brought significant changes to the political economy and has widened social inequalities, as shown by the recent study by Giannitsis-Zografakis.
In the discussion about the causes of the general decline of social democracy, many different opinions have been recorded. There is much talk about weak leadership and a lack of credible political proposals, as well as the inability of progressive economists to develop a reliable alternative model against neoliberalism. As Cambridge professor Andrew Gamble argues, economic crises have historically always benefited the right over the left. The 2008 crisis in the EU was attributed to governmental negligence and unnecessary waste. However, something else much more serious may be happening.
Regardless of national circumstances, it seems that a structural, tectonic change is taking place that undermines the electoral base of social democracy, to the point where many thinkers today are questioning the viability of the center-left. The central problem for social democracy is that, while the world has changed, the themes of European center-left have remained trapped in the doctrines and strategies of the post-war “golden age.”
In the public dialogue that is developing, some believe that social democracy must be modernized for the benefit of markets and privatizations and that we should abandon Keynesian redistributive economic policies, while others argue that we must define the new role of the state and its new social role. A decisive conviction of progressive thought is that the state should be involved in the planning and reform of the country’s institutions to solve problems and reconcile conflicting interests. Other thinkers estimate that we are lacking in the realm of ideas and that, in the face of the neoliberal model, we need to present a reliable alternative model of progressive political economy. Recently, several attempts have been made to describe such an economy, defining it as “responsible capitalism,” “ethical capitalism,” etc. (see “Progressive Capitalism in Britain”, PolicyNetwork & IPPR, 2015)
Certainly today, as has happened in the past, we are called to answer how we will ensure that capitalism will create sustainable development while societies are protected from irresponsible political behaviors and economic crises. At the same time, we need to understand the difference between “social democracy” and “democratic socialism.” Social democrats believe that we can promote the values of equality, solidarity, and social justice within the framework of the capitalist system and also find ways to leverage the advantages of market functionality. Others believe that such a thing requires the overthrow of capitalism.
In the dialogue about the present and future of social democracy, the old questions continue to exist: Is social democracy a weakened version of Marxism? Is it the ideological shelter for leftists who shy away from revolution and demand a “capitalism with a human face”? These questions have sparked intense discussions, confrontations, and responses, such as those provided by Sheri Berman in her book “The Primacy of Politics”, http://www.bookpress.gr/kritikes/idees/berman-sheri-pek-panepistimiakes-ekdoseis-kritis-to-proteio-tis-politikis
Social democracy is certainly a distinct political ideology, successfully tested in practice. The unprecedented economic prosperity and social peace experienced by post-war Europe were the result of the social democratic movement. It is a consequence of challenging orthodox Marxism and is founded on the belief that history is primarily driven by political rather than economic forces. Historically, social democracy has managed to combine the productive dynamism of capitalism with the protection of societies and the welfare state.
Social democrats do not seek development without social policy, without a system for protecting the weaker, without the rule of law, without equality of opportunity for all. For Swedish social democrats, “communitarianism,” just like democracy, is considered both a means and an end of politics, so as to counterbalance the individualization, divisions, and disagreements that capitalism inevitably produces. For example, both the existence of a strong interventionist state and the development of popular social policies can only be based on a specific perception of “politics,” on the rights of citizens, which are defined through a high degree of brotherhood and recognition of common, collective goals.
Therefore:
Social democracy must remain true to its vision of a society that combines economic efficiency, social justice, and ecological sustainability. The goal is not to rid ourselves of traditional values, but to find political tools that realize these values in a rapidly changing world.
Second, instead of being involved in an abstract discussion about the need for a “paradigm shift” in Western market capitalism, the Left should foster an atmosphere of innovation and experimentation (see Patrick Diamond, “Key Policy Priorities for the Left in Europe”). Policy Network, October 2012, ed. ISTAME)
Solutions can arise both from experimenting with practical policy programs in the “real world” and from the manuals of economists and thinkers. This entails a readjusted, strategic role for the state as a factor of economic modernization and structural reform.
In order for social democracy to be able to offer hope, we must reimagine the core of its political identity and its governance strategy. We need to distance ourselves from the perception of the Left’s purpose merely as a provider of social welfare services. The mission of social democracy must be to redefine the role of the state as an agent of structural reforms and economic modernization, which will produce a fairer, more sustainable, and inclusive capitalism. (Policy Network, October 2012).
European social democracy urgently needs ideological and political renewal today.