Migrants and Greek Society, Amaliada

In just a decade, with the end of the Cold War, Greece (along with other Southern European countries: Italy, Spain, Portugal) transformed from a country of emigration into a host country, becoming a paradise for thousands of desperate individuals who arrive daily, legally or illegally, by air, land, or sea, in search of a place under the Greek sun—just as thousands of Greeks did, who were forced to leave Greece and flooded the labor markets of Germany, the USA, Canada, Australia, and other developed countries, especially in the 1950s and 1960s. It is a fact that migrants from the South greatly contributed, after World War II, to the reconstruction of Europe and the subsequent economic development.

The number of migrants in our country is estimated to be around 700,000–800,000. The first waves of migrants and refugees primarily came from Asian and African countries and Poland. The subsequent and larger waves mainly—accounting for over 80% of the total—came from Eastern European countries and the USSR, following the collapse of their political and economic systems, as well as from Turkey and Iraq (Kurds). The large influx of economic migrants since 1991 has predominantly come—approximately 66%—from Albania, with Bulgaria being the second largest source.

People of every race, age, and gender, victims of the deadlocks of the societies they come from, driven by economic destitution or fleeing the religious and political intolerance of their regimes, seek the dream of a better life in the “paradise” of Europe, of which Greece is a part. Many of them use it as a transit point to other countries in Western Europe, while the majority wish for either permanent settlement in our country or to stay here for as long as it takes to gather an amount sufficient to allow their return to their homeland.

The Greek state, after significant delays and shortcomings, has attempted to bring order to the chaos of illegal immigration with two successive legislative initiatives: in 1997 (Presidential Decree 357-358) and in 2001 – Law 2910 “Entry and Stay of Aliens in Greek Territory. Acquisition of Greek Citizenship through Naturalization.” The second wave of registration and legalization of undocumented migrants that took place during the summer, under the auspices of local government, concerns approximately 350,000 foreigners.

Staying at the legislative level, both the Constitution, Article 5, paragraph 2 (which states that all those within Greek territory enjoy absolute protection of their life, honor, and freedom regardless of nationality, race, language, religious or political beliefs) and Law 2910/2001 are based on the fundamental principles of the Amsterdam Treaty (Articles 12 & 13) and the directives arising from it, which, along with an action program, were presented by Greek Commissioner Anna Diamantopoulou in early 2000. The first directive concerns the implementation of equal treatment of individuals, regardless of racial and ethnic origin, and the second pertains to equal treatment in matters of employment and work, regardless of racial and ethnic origin, sexual orientation, etc.

It is a fact that the presence of migrants in Greece is associated with a series of significant and lasting changes that affect all aspects of the country’s economic and social life. Many small and medium-sized businesses were saved thanks to the labor of migrants. Their contribution to key economic indicators, such as the increase in domestic product, the containment of inflation, and to some extent even the achievement of the convergence criteria for our country’s integration into the Eurozone, has been crucial, as migrants take on jobs that, despite the unemployment, have been abandoned by locals (usually manual, difficult, and dangerous work). Additionally, existing migrants have revitalized islands and depopulated villages, maintained the operation of schools, boosted the country’s social security system, and most importantly, slowed the effects of the demographic problem facing Greece.

Unfortunately, the positive aspects of their presence and contribution to the development of our country are rarely highlighted. With the help of a segment of the media and some politicians, combined with the illegal status of migrants, new myths and stereotypes have been constructed and disseminated in Greek public opinion, further complicating the relationship between Greek society and the foreigners living and working in our country. The increase in crime and unemployment has been almost exclusively attributed to migrants and refugees.

The abrupt transition from a society that was linguistically, religiously, and ethnically homogeneous to a multilingual, multinational, and multicultural society naturally created unprecedented tremors within Greek society. Social strata that “believe” they are threatened by the drastic and irreversible changes in their lives view the adaptation to the new reality of the country with distrust.

A few months ago, “Le Monde Diplomatique” wrote about the stance of some Greek farmers who, angry with the mass arrests and deportations of illegal migrants, are making protests to the government to stop the “sweeps,” promising to take the migrants to the borders themselves after the harvest of agricultural products is completed. Clearly, these farmers are indicating that they cannot live without the cheap labor of migrants, but the humanitarian aspect of migration does not concern them at all. In fact, it often happens that those who protest against the deportations are also the first to complain about migrants after the harvest is over or to express concerns about the alteration of our national identity.

What recently happened in the Baths of Mytilene is neither unprecedented nor unique. Worse incidents have occurred in Europe, such as in El Ejido, Spain, where there was a collective uprising against all migrants after one of them murdered a local. There was also the case in Dover, Britain, where 68 Chinese illegal migrants met a horrific death inside a refrigerated truck.

In Greece, while the phenomena of racism and xenophobia may not have the intensity, political, and ideological backing that they do elsewhere, a wave of prejudices and xenophobic attitudes has begun to emerge over the last decade, occasionally culminating in racist behaviors.

Unfortunately, according to research from the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia, Greece ranks first in xenophobia among the 15 EU countries. Specifically, according to the latest Eurobarometer survey, young Greeks, compared to their European counterparts, are less tolerant towards foreigners, with a percentage of 44%.

However, today we are no longer discussing whether migrants are or are not criminals, but rather whether a top-performing student of foreign origin, specifically of Albanian descent, will hold the Greek flag. This indicates that things are, thankfully, progressing. The most significant change lies in the fact that Greek society is starting to get accustomed to and, at the same time, integrate the presence of migrants into its daily life, recognizing it as a permanent feature.

The dialogue on the peaceful coexistence of people in modern multicultural societies is particularly relevant today, as it coincides with the tragic events of September 11^th in New York, which shook the planet and brought to the forefront social behaviors related to the demonization of entire groups of populations. The crisis and war in Asia have dramatically increased the boat people, the boats of the desperate seeking a place in the sun. But how do the wealthy countries of the West deal with them?

The case of Australia, which did not allow Afghan refugees to set foot on its shores, leads us to a very dangerous model. A model of fortress states that think they can maintain their prosperity by shutting themselves off within their walls, like participants in Big Brother, while leaving others outside in their despair. This is an illusion that democracies may pay for very dearly. This leads the planet to a “cannibal planet” (a phrase by the French internationalist Jacques Lévy).

It is true that no one can solve the problem of immigration at a national level, but international coordination is needed to prevent the causes that lead to the largest population movement in human history.

The long-standing European policy of “zero immigration,” based on the hope that the problem would be solved by turning Europe into a “fortress,” has proven ineffective. Waves of migrants and refugees, using various means—legally or illegally, often paying huge sums to traffickers—have never ceased to arrive in Europe.

However, it seems that economic interests combined with demographic changes will force Europe to open its doors. Recently, the European Commission, through Commissioner Vitorino, stated that the policy of “zero immigration” followed for the last 30 years is no longer appropriate. Germany announced that it will accept 20,000 foreign IT specialists over the next three years, and Chancellor Schroeder is pushing for the green card initiative to be extended to other workers from various sectors. The Italian government announced measures for the entry of 63,000 industrial workers per year. Even the Frenchman Charles Pasqua stated that we must encourage the legalization of undocumented migrants! Europe may resist the idea of a continent of migrants, but to thrive, it has no choice but to embrace multiculturalism.

As a result, we urgently need a common European immigration and asylum policy. The Amsterdam Treaty, which has been in effect since May ¹, 1999, provides for the establishment of a Common “Area of Freedom, Security, and Justice” within the next five years. This entails harmonizing national legislations regarding the daily lives of EU citizens, as well as adopting a common European asylum and immigration policy.

Of course, the problems of poverty and the unequal distribution of the planet’s resources cannot be solved through migration. Sustainable solutions must be sought in the elimination of the causes that provoke waves of refugees and migrants, in improving the standard of living and employment opportunities in countries of origin, in preventing conflicts, in establishing democracy, in strengthening respect for human rights and racial equality, in providing economic assistance, in investments, and in political cooperation. Ultimately, globalization cannot be limited to the free movement of capital and goods alone.

The privileged in the West must understand that no police measures and no fortification of borders will stop the flow of migrants as long as the gap in prosperity between developed and developing countries remains and increases. Addressing the problems of uneven development and combating poverty are the greatest challenges of the 21^st century. The solutions are in the hands of politicians.

Because, as Umberto Eco said in an interview with a Greek journalist, “Whether we like it or not, Europe will become a multi-ethnic and colorful continent. Without being a futurist, one can predict that in the next millennium, the Eurocentric model will cease to be dominant. No nostalgic individual from the past and no racist can prevent the great mixing and interbreeding of populations.”