VRADINI of Sunday, Εχουμε μαύρη πρωτιά στην ξενοφοβία

“WE HAVE A BLACK FIRST PLACE IN XENOPHOBIA”
of Liana Kaleki	11. 02. 2001

The image of immigrants that “disturbing” our otherwise very tender life, runs through the thoughts of many who are not possessed, at least yet, and paradoxically, by the Greek syndrome of short memory. The image of the Iraqi “illegal immigrants?”, because we still don’t know exactly what category they belong to, made the rounds of the newspapers, sold enough, it was without a doubt worthy of a front page.

Ultimately, who were these people? Migrants, illegal immigrants, refugees, economic refugees? No one seems to know precisely the “label” they bear, so as to provide them with the appropriate welcome. It is perhaps an “emblematic” case that demands an equally symbolic solution. It is likely an ironic reality that stands before us and “smirks” at the way we address it. We call them migrants, economic migrants, illegal immigrants, refugees, regular or irregular, economic or political refugees. We encounter terms like “ethnic groups,” “illegally or legally entering individuals,” “compatriots,” “foreigners,” “repatriates,” “returnees.” Over the last decade, Greece has faced a “patchwork” socio-economic, religious, linguistic, and cultural reality. It has developed an equally “patchwork” and fervent discourse regarding the composition of this newly introduced image, by Greek standards. It has recorded it, analyzed it extensively, written books about it, and dedicated endless lines to superficial approaches; however, it has failed to define and integrate it as it deserves into the otherwise modestly inflated Greek society.

In our attempt to reapproach the phenomenon of migration, primarily from a political perspective, we sought out Ms. Anna Karamanou, a Member of the European Parliament from PASOK and a member of the presidency of the Socialist Group, and spoke with her.

• ü Ms. Karamanou, Greece has become predominantly a country of “importing” migrants over the last decade. How aware does the Greek society, and particularly the Greek political scene, appear to be regarding this issue? Foreigners are not temporary, and therefore, they cannot simply be a beneficial footnote in Greek economic history.

Greek society seems rather unprepared for this significant change. The same goes for the Greek state.

According to the latest Eurobarometer survey, among the 15 member states of the European Union, Greeks hold the “black” record in xenophobia. Indeed, many Greeks have not yet realized the significance and contributions of migrants. In the minds of a large part of public opinion, aided by the media, the perception has taken root that foreigners are responsible for unemployment, high crime rates, and a decline in quality of life, especially in major cities. However, in countries with a long tradition of welcoming migrants, it has been shown that migrants not only do not contribute to rising unemployment but, on the contrary, help create jobs and foster economic development.

The Greek government has already begun to take measures, such as the registration and legalization process for illegal immigrants in 1998, and the immigration bill that will soon be discussed in the plenary of Parliament.

• ü The draft law on the “entry and residence of foreigners in Greek territory” operates under the philosophy of “not allowing” migrants to gain citizenship status. How do you perceive this new draft law, which is co-signed by almost the entire Cabinet?

The new draft law on immigration and the residence of foreigners in Greek territory can represent an important step towards a comprehensive immigration policy. It aligns with the prevailing trends at the European Union level and the proposals of the European Commission, laying the groundwork for an open and transparent policy with clear rules, legislation, and procedures. However, it should be noted that granting political rights to migrants faces opposition from New Democracy, which has condemned the process of naturalization.

• ü How clear is the distinction among illegal immigrants, political refugees, and economic migrants for the Greek authorities? Has the case of the Iraqi illegal immigrants been clarified, given the political situation in Baghdad?

The terms “illegal immigrants,” “political refugees,” and “economic migrants” are often confused, though I would say this is more prevalent in the media and public consciousness than among the Greek authorities. Greek border authorities participate in relevant training seminars organized by the Greek Council for Refugees, funded by the European Odysseus program. Regarding Iraqi illegal immigrants, they will be labeled as such if they enter the country illegally and do not apply for asylum, or if their application has been rejected. The political situation in Iraq does not automatically grant refugee status to all Iraqis. However, many who have applied for asylum now hold refugee status.

• ü Europe, in recent years, particularly after the collapse of existing socialism, combined with the globalization of the economy and the promotion of a universal culture, has become a field of continuous migratory movements. Why has the establishment of a unified European migration policy been delayed for so long? What actions have been taken in this direction?

The EU consists of 15 member states, each with different rules and laws regarding migration, as well as varying national ties with third countries. Therefore, some time is needed to harmonize all these different systems.

The Amsterdam Treaty, which came into effect on May 1, 1999, stipulates that a Common Area of Freedom, Security, and Justice should be established within five years. This entails, among other things, the adoption of a common policy for migration and asylum provision.

In this direction, the Extraordinary Summit Council in Tampere, Finland, in October 1999, made very important decisions regarding a series of policy initiatives related to migration, within the framework of a five-year work program. The main points of this program are:

– Safeguarding the right to asylum.

– Fair treatment of third-country nationals.

– Cooperation with the countries of origin of migrants and refugees. An element of this policy includes action programs with six countries that are source countries for migrants.

– Management of migration flows – addressing illegal immigration and combating criminal networks.

• ü How feasible is a change in mentality in Europe, and particularly in Greece, where foreigners are viewed as a lumpen caste of people, condemned to take on positions that locals are unwilling to accept?

Foreigners indeed often perform jobs that Greeks have abandoned. This phenomenon is typically seen in the first generation of migrants, either because they do not know the host country’s language, lack formal qualifications, or because those qualifications are not recognized. It is a fact that migrants in Greece are treated as cheap labor without rights. As noted in the French newspaper Le Monde, “Greek farmers, angry about the wave of migrant arrests by the police, are calling on the government to stop the sweep operations and are pledging to take these workers to the borders themselves after the harvest season.”

The responsibility of the state and political leaders for the social integration of migrants and the fight against discrimination is clear. However, the role of the media is also significant. It is common for statistics on crime, for instance involving Albanians or Roma, to emphasize the ethnicity of the perpetrators. The separation of migrant crime from general crime and its dramatization creates the impression that there is a specific behavior among migrants regarding this issue, which hinders their social integration.

• ü A necessary prerequisite for formulating migration policy is the legalization of migrants. Do you agree with this statement? Will PASOK undertake such an initiative? If not, how does the party plan to address the situation, given that until now the Greek government has not been able to accurately determine the number of foreigners who are coming, leaving, or residing permanently in Greek territory?

It is indeed necessary to approach the issue of the social integration of migrants and their legalization, in conjunction with both humanitarian ideals and adverse demographic trends. For the next 25 years, it is projected that the fertility rate in the European Union (and in Greece) will drop to 1.15 (with a population replacement rate of 2.1), which will have serious implications for the labor market and social security systems.

In addition to the economic aspect, we also need to positively evaluate the contribution of migrants and refugees to enriching our culture with their diverse languages and cultures, which bring new dynamism to our own. This can promote cooperation and exchanges with their countries of origin.

The legalizations of 1998 showed that the problem is greater than we might have thought. Indeed, since it is impossible to know the exact number of those residing illegally in Greece, rules must be established that also pertain to their legalization. The European Parliament has called for the legalization of all those who reside illegally in the Union and have completed five years of residence.